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Archive for the ‘Democratization’ Category

Boston Review, July/August 2011

–By Ying Ma

This article is part of China’s Other Revolution, a Boston Review forum on political and social change in China. Ying Ma responds here to a lead article written by Edward S. Steinfeld, a professor of political economy at MIT.

Over the past three decades, China’s rulers have relinquished a vast amount of political authority in order to pursue breakneck economic development. Unlike Maoist totalitarianism modern Chinese authoritarianism does not demand total submission from its subjects. It has innovated, gained in sophistication, and gathered more diverse tools for repression. Edward Steinfeld overlooks this essence of Chinese authoritarianism as he forecasts its end, and he mistakes its willingness to adapt for its potential for demise.

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Wall Street Journal Asia, August 1-3, 2008

No recent American President has promised to do more to combat repression than President George W. Bush. In his second inaugural address in January 2005, he pledged the United States to the goal of ending tyranny in the 21st century. His freedom agenda, formulated in the wake of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, seeks to combat not just Islamic extremism but also all states that keep their people unfree.

But today, nearing the end of its second and last term, the Bush administration struggles with the promotion of democracy in Iraq and Afghanistan, proud of notable accomplishments but chastened by the tragic sacrifices exacted and the slow and sometimes uneven progress. And the freedom agenda has remained notably hapless before challenges that lie outside the terror orbit, in particular in countries that pursue economic liberalization while stifling political reforms.

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Wall Street Journal Asia, March 9-11, 2007

Promoting democratization under authoritarianism is hard work. Americans often behave as if democracy will blossom at the snap of our fingers. As the daily violence in Iraq reminds us, though, reality is often much more grim and complicated than our most fervent wishes.

Away from the birth pangs of democracy in Iraq, democracy has not blossomed in another country where Americans said it would: China. For more than a decade, Washington has declared that political liberalization leading ultimately to democratization in China would be decidedly in America’s–and the world’s–interests. From President Bill Clinton’s policy of “constructive engagement” to President George W. Bush’s call for China to become a “responsible stakeholder,” the United States has maintained that a China headed down a democratic path–even as it amasses military, political and economic might–would offer the best hope for peace, prosperity and cooperation.

China, however, appears immune to U.S. wishes.

Read entire article here.

Reprinted from The Wall Street Journal Asia © 2011 Dow Jones & Company, Inc.  All rights reserved.

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Policy Review, February/March 2007

For more than a decade, successive U.S. presidents have declared that political liberalization leading ultimately to democratization in China would be desirable and decidedly in America’s — and the world’s — interests. The Clinton administration, after some initial tortuous twists and turns, fashioned a policy of “constructive engagement” with the Chinese government that called for close bilateral economic and political cooperation along with U.S. advocacy for democracy, open markets and human rights in China. The George W. Bush administration, though openly suspicious of China’s opaque military buildup and strategic intentions, has exhorted China to become a “responsible stakeholder” of the international community while urging it to embrace democracy. To Washington, a China that is headed down a democratic path — even as it amasses military, political, and economic might — would offer the best assurance for peace, prosperity and cooperation with the United States and the world.

China, however, appears immune to and unmoved by U.S. wishes. American democracy promotion — ranging from economic engagement to democracy programs to lofty rhetoric — has not halted the speed at which the Chinese authoritarian behemoth presses on with grave human rights abuses. For now, U.S. hopes remain just hopes.

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The Weekly Standard Online,  April 19, 2006

While Chinese President Hu Jintao prepares to face the White House this week on issues ranging from the bilateral trade deficit to China’s role in resolving the North Korean and Iranian nuclear crises, Representative Chris Smith (R-NJ) is planning to slam the Chinese regime for its political repression.

The House Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations, which Smith chairs, will hold a hearing this Wednesday to condemn the Chinese government for its policies of religious persecution, forced abortions, Internet censorship, and human organ harvesting.

Unfortunately, few besides Smith’s witnesses and the usual human rights activists will care. These days, a tinge of sadness pervades most congressional hearings and resolutions on the important subject of human rights in China. Simply put, China is not listening.

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The Wall Street Journal Asia, February 15, 2006

The U.S. House Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations will hold a hearing today to examine the operating procedures of U.S. Internet companies in China. But at the heart of the matter rests a burning question that is unlikely to be answered: What if China does not democratize?

Congressional questions will not address this issue, and will instead focus on U.S. corporate behavior. Google, Yahoo!, Cisco Systems and Microsoft have all been widely criticized for aiding Chinese censorship, and representatives from all these companies will be present at the hearing. Buried amidst the condemnation of loose corporate morals, however, is a much broader issue that America’s corporate giants cannot address on their own: The fact that something might be desperately wrong with U.S. policy toward China.

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